Why Lok Sabha doesn’t have many Shah Rukh Khans

In a nation of over a billion people, the most recognisable faces are from the world of films and politics. While millions of Indians dream of attaining the celebrity status of a filmstar or a politician, it is very difficult to be one without being a nepo kid. Not just Bollywood, politics is notoriously restrictive when it comes to allowing the entry of newcomers without family connections.
Though Bollywood’s gatekeeping tendencies often spark debate and scrutiny, a report by Prajatantra Foundation, a non-profit organisation, highlights how politics mirrors the entertainment industry in erecting barriers for those outside the inner circles. The report reveals that just 20% (around 108) of the candidates winning the 2024 Lok Sabha poll were self-made individuals, while around 32% (more than 173) of the MPs belong to political dynasties.
The latest high-profile political entry is that of Iltija Mufti, daughter of Mehbooba Mufti, the PDP chief and former Jammu and Kashmir CM. Iltija is also the granddaughter of PDP founder and former Union Home Minister, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed.
She is contesting the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly election from Bijbehara, a family bastion of the Muftis. How often have you heard that a 37-year-old with near-zero electoral experience has been given a ticket by a prominent party, that too from a safe seat?
Although Iltija has asserted her intentions to forge her own identity in politics, she acknowledges having derived a lot from her mother and her grandfather, who are known faces in the politics of Kashmir and beyond.
It’s not just about Iltija Mufti. From Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi, Akhilesh Yadav, Tejashwi Yadav, KT Rama Rao to MK Stalin, there is no dearth of politicians heading political parties because they were born in their first families.
The Yadavs and Gandhis of the political world will find their nepo matches in the Kapoors, Chopras, Deols and Bachchans of Bollywood. This is not to say that we do not have an occasional Narendra Modi or a Shah Rukh Khan, who rose from humble beginnings to reach the top. But such examples are rather rare.
Indian politics is deeply rooted in family legacies, with 32% (more than 173) of MPs in the 18th Lok Sabha (2024-2029) hailing from political dynasties.
Among these, 21% are first-generation dynasts, 72.1% belong to the second generation, and 6.4% are multi-generational politicians.
This trend spans across parties, making it difficult for non-dynastic candidates to gain entry and support.
The study of the 18th Lok Sabha winners by Prajatantra Foundation provides compelling evidence of how politics, like Bollywood, remains a bastion for the privileged.
The report used the recently concluded Lok Sabha election, that saw 543 representatives take office, to make its point.
Beyond familial ties that sent 32% of MPs to the Lok Sabha, wealth plays a significant role in securing political power.
A staggering 98.3% of MPs possess some form of privilege, translating to more than 530 MPs, whether it be dynastic connections, declared criminal cases, or assets worth Rs 1 crore or more.
More alarmingly, 79.6% of MPs belong to the ‘strong privilege’ category, characterised by dynastic backgrounds, serious criminal records, or assets exceeding Rs 5 crore.
Money, therefore, acts as a predominant gatekeeper, preventing those without substantial financial backing from accessing political offices.
While dynastic politicians clearly dominate the scene, non-privileged entry is far from a level playing field.
Party organisational politics (16.2%) remains the most prominent non-privileged pathway, followed by local politics (14.4%) and student politics (9.2%). In particular, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) sees many non-dynastic entrants coming from local politics, while the Indian National Congress (INC) relies more on party organisational pathways, according to the Prajatantra report.
Self-made politicians, defined as those with no dynastic backgrounds, no serious criminal records, and assets worth less than Rs 5 crore, represent only around 108 (20%) of MPs. Of these, most enter politics through party organisational pathways (25%) and local politics (20%), showing that even when individuals do manage to rise without political legacies, their path is limited to a narrow set of entry routes.

An infographic of the diverse pathways of 543 MPs elected in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, such as political dynasties, grassroots workers, former bureaucrats, regional leaders, and public figures from fields like law, business, and entertainment. (Data: Prajatantra) (Graphics: Arun Uniyal/India Today)

The harsh reality, however, is that only around 8.1% of newly elected MPs successfully overcame all barriers to political entry, showing how outsiders face immense challenges when attempting to break into politics.
Gatekeeping refers to practices that limit political access to the privileged few, and in India, the barriers erected by wealth and criminal records are substantial.
Over 329 (60.6%) of MPs of the 18th Lok Sabha possess assets worth more than Rs 5 crore, which is an indicator of how the haves have dominated politics.
Even those who have managed to escape these financial barriers are often plagued by the influence of criminality on politics. About 170 (31.3%) of MPs have declared serious criminal cases against them, which includes charges that carry a maximum punishment of five years or more, non-bailable offences, and electoral crimes.
Party-wise, the gatekeeping practices are particularly stark in regional parties, found the Prajatantra report. In parties like the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and the Samajwadi Party (SP), over 90% of MPs belong to privileged families.
National parties such as the Congress and BJP, while slightly better, still have gatekeeping rates of 87.9% and 75%, respectively.
Women face even more challenges when attempting to break into politics.
Out of 74 women MPs in the 18th Lok Sabha, 63.5% came from dynastic backgrounds, showing that family connections remain a significant factor in women’s political careers. Furthermore, 97.3% of women MPs fall under the privileged category, with 86.5% meeting the strong privilege criteria. Most women who succeed in politics are either connected to political families or possess immense wealth, limiting the potential for independent female leadership to emerge, according to the report.
In a nation where success is spun with the threads of legacy and privilege, it’s clear that climbing the ladder without a family crest is no mean feat. Whether it’s the battle for the box office or the ballot box, the gates of power remain heavily guarded —unless, of course, one has got the right key.